Wednesday, June 26, 2019

Terror on the Frontier - 2

The New Catholic Encyclopedia explains the story of the Franciscan Martyrs of Georgia, early casualties on what was then “the frontier”:

The title refers to five Friars Minor—Pedro de Corpa, Blas Rodríguez, Miguel de Añon, Antonio de Badajóz, and Francisco de Veráscola—who were slain in 1597 in the territory of the present-day Diocese of Savannah. Though the territory was then called La Florida, to distinguish these missionaries from others martyred in territory that is now part of the state of Florida, the term "of Georgia" is used to identify them.

These five Spanish missionaries—four priests and one lay brother—were laboring in the region then known as Guale. The event that occasioned their slaying was the polygamous infidelity of Juanillo, the son of a Guale cacique. A baptized Christian sacramentally married, Juanillo had openly taken a second wife. Called to task by the missionary in Tolomato, the headstrong young man took offense at the correction. 

Fearing that he would be impeded in succeeding to the position of cacique of the tribe, he organized a revolt against the authority of the missionaries. He rounded up a group of nonbaptized natives, who, under cover of night, came to Tolomato. 

On the morning of Sept. 14, 1597, Juanillo and his followers invaded the house where Fray Pedro was preparing for the celebration of Sunday mass for his flock. Without further ado, he slew the priest with blows of a stone-hatchet.

The following day the rampant natives moved on to the nearby settlement of Tupiquí, where they found Fray Blas preparing to offer mass with his people. The invaders allowed him to celebrate mass, after which he spoke words of farewell and exhortation to the faithful who had gathered. Though the friar sought to persuade the rebels to desist from their bloody intention, they refused to abandon their plan, beyond postponing action for two days. They then bashed his head with clubs and threw his body to the vultures.

Crossing the channel, the rebels came to St. Catherines Island (then called Guale). They had previously sent word to the cacique of the island to slay Fray Miguel and the lay brother Fray Antonio, the two friars missioned there. Hoping to save them, however, the cacique planned to send them to another island, where he knew that the faithful natives would give them safe haven. The warning did not arrive in time to save them from the rebels. The priest offered a last mass and gave viaticum to his assistant. The rebels slew both Fray Miguel and Fray Antonio with blows from a tomahawk.

The slaying of the fifth victim, Fray Francisco, took place on a date not explicitly indicated in the sources. For some days he had been absent from his mission on Asao (now St. Simons Island) when the revolt broke out and his brethren had been slain. Pressured by the rebels, the natives on the island, who had not embraced the Gospel in any great number, were persuaded to join the revolt. When within a few days the friar arrived back at his post, a group of young braves who had formerly been his friends overpowered him as he pulled into the land. On the shore of the island they clubbed him to death. Thus within the period of one week all five missionary friars working in Guale were put to death.

From the time of their martyrdom there was a constant recognition that their death was a witness to Gospel values. Their cause for canonization was formally opened in the Diocese of Savannah in 1983, and ten years later forwarded to the Congregation for the Causes of Saints in Rome for consideration.

As the Evil One…saw that the friars were an obstacle to his worship, he enticed the heart of a cacique…to apostatize from the faith,…to return to the evil life of his ancestors, to a plurality of wives…He plotted with other young men… to kill the friars…They came to the village called Tolomato, at night, without being perceived…When the friar (Fray Pedro de Corpa) opened the doors of the church, they slew him…and cut off his head…Then the young chief gave a long discourse…(saying) that the reason they had killed that friar was that he prevented them from having a plurality of wives and from following their pleasure…

They then went to where…Fray Blas de Montes (sic) was, to Tupiqui…The friar…began with Christian arguments to dissuade them from their evil intention (and) asked them, since he was about to die, that they allow him to say Mass… and that after his death he would ask them, as his sons, to bury him in the body of the church…As St. Lawrence distributed the treasury of the Church, he divided among the poor Indians of the village the few things he had, and proceeded to say Mas…
Mass ended, he knelt…and prayed to God…The Indians came forward…and killed him; and they buried him in the church itself, as he had requested.

The Indians…sent a message to the cacique of the Island of Guale that they should kill the friars…on that island…The cacique of that island greatly loved the friars…; he secretly sent a message to the friars that they should flee to the Spaniards' presidia…The servants who came with that message did not have the courage to give that message to the friars…The friars…said that they would die, as God so wished, that they were happy to accept death for Him and for the preaching of His Gospel…In a short time the Indians arrived at the friars' house and, ransacking it, proceeded to kill the friars…With clubs and macanas they beat on the heads and bodies (of the friars).

Fray Francisco de Veráscola was…a man of great physical strength, for which even the Indians held him in awe…For this reason they (the Indians) looked for a way to kill him after first taking him by treachery…Thus, as he was coming from a distance by canoe or boat, the savages were there, hiding in a clump of reeds; grabbing him from behind, some secured him while others beat him with clubs and macanas. Thus he died. 

It is believed that, since he announced the Word of God to this people, and serving Him in this holy ministry – for hatred of which the Indians had done this evil – the same Lord, for whose law he had suffered, would have mercy on him; especially since he was an apostolic man, very poor and humble, devoted to prayer and all the practices of virtue.

-Fray Juan de Torquemada. Monarquía Indiana Sevilla, 1615 (First edition); Madrid, 1723 (Second edition); Mexico, 1975 (modern edition in three volumes).

Friday, June 21, 2019

Terror on the Frontier - 1

Political Correctness has imposed its own 21st century Noble Savage stereotype on Native American history, depicting native people as long-haired free spirits who whiled away their days tending organic gardens and weaving dreamcatchers.  Their evenings were spent around the campfire, passing the pipe, playing flutes and speaking eloquently about their own brand of Socialism, the well-being of the seventh generation and achieving Oneness with the Universe.  Prior to 1492, all was bliss.  Afterwards, every native became an innocent victim of the genocidal white invaders, all of whom were paranoid, violent bigots.   

That is the consistent message from academia, public schools, media, entertainment, museums and historic parks.  To suggest the past was more nuanced than all that is to invite scorn and ridicule.  So, few people take the risk of wandering into Politically Incorrect territory anymore.

I had to go all the way back to a Chicago Tribune column from 1992 to find a balanced understanding of the European settlement of America.  The title of Joan Beck’s October 1, 1992 commentary asserted “THOSE WHO CONDEMN COLUMBUS IGNORE HISTORY`S COMPLEXITY.”

My suggestion is to read the entire article.  Here are some excerpts:

Poor Christopher Columbus.  He`s a dead, white, European male, politically incorrect on a score of counts and charged with a litany of sins ranging from genocide, racism and slavery to environmental destruction, plundering, pandemics of disease and general decadence….

But for all his faults, Columbus doesn`t deserve to be pilloried for all that today`s revisionists see that went wrong in the last five centuries.

The world Columbus opened up was not a pre-apple Eden peopled by noble innocents living in ecological harmony with the unscarred land and with each other, as some revisionists suggest. The hemisphere held many vastly differing civilizations and cultures, a few of them comparable in sophistication, splendor and art to European cities of the time.

But they included some of the bloodiest, cruelest civilizations ever known to exist, where genocide, cannibalism, torture and human sacrifice were common, where priests would cut the beating hearts out of thousands of living victims in a single day, where maidens were drowned as sacrifices and losing teams in basketball-like games were beheaded….

The interchange between the hemispheres was not as simplistic as smallpox for gold. The Americas gave the Europeans syphilis and tobacco with all its terrible effects, as well as corn, chocolate, vanilla, potatoes, tomatoes, pumpkins and peanuts. The Europeans brought horses, chickens, cattle, pigs, bananas, citrus, onions, Christianity (with all the sins committed in its name) and a useful wheel.

It is naive, of course, to suppose that if it were not for Columbus, the New World would have remained in isolated, innocent peace, undisturbed by the turbulent tides of history and by the darker impulses of humankind.

Can you imagine any newspaper publishing such sentiments in 2019?

Anyone who takes some time (and by “some time” I mean hundreds of hours) to research Native American from, say, 1300 A.D. – 1800 A.D. will recognize just how bogus the PC narrative is. 

As with most any group of people, some are hateful, evil and violent.  Others are willing to commit acts of self-sacrifice, no matter the cost.  And others, maybe most, are merely trying to make it from one day to the next.

Learning more about my own family history, and my ancestors who settled the frontier as it shifted from Virginia to North Carolina to Kentucky in the 17th and 18th centuries, I have come to appreciate the awesome courage of these frontiersmen.  I wonder if they had one day without fear, considering the threats they faced. 

We hear a lot about the atrocities whites inflicted on Indians, and I don’t propose revisionist history to erase those stories.  But equally a part of the record was that whites on the frontier suffered terribly at the hands of the Indians.

After studying more than 100 (and counting) of these incidents in the Southeast, I have seen some recurring patterns.  Starting in the 1500s, at the Spanish missions along the Atlantic and Gulf coasts, the survival rate for the clergy was not high.  On many occasions, the quiet of a chapel was shattered and priests ended up martyrs to their faith.

In numerous instances, whites on the frontier opened their homes to native people they regarded as friends or as welcome guests.  With their guard down, they were robbed, beaten and murdered.

Frequently, a raiding party would wait until the man of the house had left, and then sweep in to attack women and children.  Babies would be grabbed by the feet and have their brains bashed out against a tree. 

Young boys and girls who escaped death during acts of terror on the frontier were sometimes adopted by the Indians, and after years of captivity, they rejected opportunities to return to their old communities. 

Cannibalism was not common but "ritual" cannibalism did occur.

Sometimes, survivors wanted to “take the law into their own hands” and exact revenge on the native assailants. Many of those white frontiersmen who carried out such extra-legal vengeance were arrested and put on trial.  Often, though, they would be acquitted by a jury of their peers.

Much of the violence perpetrated by native people was the result of alliances they made with outside interests.  When the French competed with the English and later, when rebellious colonists struggled against British loyalists, native factions cast their lot with one side or another, and were incited to target victims on the frontier.

Terror on the frontier saw a dramatic rise in the 1750s, as more and more whites began migrating to the interior of the Southeast.  As settlement pushed through the Cumberlands later that century, the horrendous slaughter of white settlers increased dramatically.

Social Justice Warriors would have you believe that none of these things happened.  Or that if they did happen, it was with good cause - and even something to celebrate - how these white folks got their well-deserved comeuppance.     

To conclude this introductory overview, the diary of Bishop August Gottlieb Spangenberg warrants review.  In 1752, Spangenberg travelled to Western North Carolina while scouting locations for a proposed Moravian colony (eventually established as “Salem”.)  I find the diary of particular interest because he describes North Carolina at the very time many of my ancestors were moving to the Piedmont:

November 11, 1752. From the camp on the Catawba. I sit in my tent and study about the " Patriarchal plan” followed up in North Carolina. I regard the circumstances here, and especially contemplate the condition of the Indians. We are bordering on the country where the Catawbas and Cherokees are found — more especially during the hunting season. The Senecas are also to be met with here, especially when they are waging war with the Catawbas.

Tis worthy of remark that the conduct of the Indians here, is quite different from that in Pennsylvania. There the Indians are not feared at all, unless they are drunk. Here they conduct themselves in such a way that the whites are afraid of them. If they enter a house and the man is not at home, they become insolent, and the poor woman must do as they command.

Sometimes they come in such large companies that even the man, is sorely put to it, if compelled to deal with them. Sometimes men do like Andrew Lambert, who found traces of Seneca Indians on his land, and in his corn, and found that they had killed and eaten some of his cattle. He called his dogs, who were used to bear hunting, some eight or ten in number, and with his rifle in hand, he drove them out like sheep before him, and thus rid himself of the nuisance.

This is the difficulty when people live alone in the woods about here: they are in danger of getting into unpleasant relations with the Indians. North Carolina waged war with the Indians; in time the latter became worsted and in consequence lost their lands. This created a bad feeling, not only among those tribes immediately concerned, but with all the rest. This feeling of animosity will not speedily die out. This asserts itself on all occasions, and it has come so far in North Carolina, that not only did the Indians rob the people of their stock, but in some cases even killed some of them....

Nov. 12. 1752. In Camp on the Catawba River. We are here in the neighborhood of what may be called “Indian Pass.” As we believe it is the Lords purpose to confer a blessing on the Catawba & Cherokee Indians—by means of the Brethren—we resolved to take up some land here. There are about 200 acres of land (bottom) & along this strip, are 1 or 200 acres more, of very good quality, a kind of second bottom. This lowland is a narrow strip,—but is good and well timbered, & is suitable for meadow & wheat land. This piece has such a steep bank, that it is not easily reached by the Catawba freshets. A number of hills bound this tract, between which several strong Springs as well as creeks wind along & furnish water power for several mills. 

Here we have taken up a piece of over 1,000 acres which is three miles long, & half a mile wide embracing a portion of every hill. Tis a pleasant locality & is peculiarly attractive. The hills are wooded, in part with pine trees. By judicious management the forests can be improved, as they have been partially ruined by the Indians, when they set the woods on fire, to drive the deer to certain localities, that they might be more easily taken. Portions of the hills may also be made useful for corn culture, more especially where they be near the bottoms. The next settlement from here is that of Jonathan Weiss more familiarly known as Johnathan Perrot. This man is a hunter & lives 20 miles from here. There are many hunters about here, who live like the Indians, they kill many deer selling their hides, & thus live without much work….

Nov. 19, 1752. From the camp of the Middle River of the three Rivers which flow into the Catawba, near Quaker Meadows.  We are now in the forest, 50 miles from all the settlements. We arrived here last Thursday & struck up camp—& rode about until in the night—& found all we thought was required for a settlement….

We crossed high & steep hills in coming here, & calculate the distance from the Catawba land to be about 18 miles; the road lies in a N. W. direction (but why do I speak of road when there is none but what the Buffaloes have made). The hills run to the very water's edge, & one hill rises behind the other. But possibly something may manifest itself which as yet we do not see. Our surveyor & his Company were stopped here by 6 Cherokees. They were out on a hunt & were coming through the woods; however they soon became very friendly. The whole woods are full of Cherokee Indians; we come upon their traces very often wherever we go. They are now engaged in hunting….

Nov. 24, 1752. From the camp in the Fork of the Third River wh. empties into the Catawba near Quaker Meadows—about 5 miles from Table Mountain. This is now the 5th piece of land wh. we have surveyed. “A fine piece of land,” between 7 & 800 acres. The greater part is bottom which lies on 2 creeks. The country is further watered by different smaller streams & there are fine springs in different localities. The land is in several places very rich, & up to this time has been a Buffalo pasture, whose tracks & paths may yet be ascertained, & found to be useful. Frequently however, their tracks can not be followed—for they go through “thick & thin,” & thro' the deepest morasses & rivers—& often they are so steep that a man may roll down, or fall down, but he can neither ride nor go down them….  

The wolves wh. are not like those in Germany & Poland (because they fear men & dont easily come near) give us such music of 6 different cornets the like of wh. I have never heard in my life.  Several brethren, skilled in hunting will be required to exterminate panthers, wolves &c. not only here but in the other places also. They will thus not only obtain the hide of the animal but there is a bounty of 10 shillings for every panther & wolf that is killed: besides such men will be needed to furnish game from the wood to help the larder.

Saturday, June 15, 2019

In Search of Madoc - 7

No shortage of evidence has been marshaled to support the theory that the Welsh Prince Madoc came to America in the 12th century.  One frequent theme is the "Welsh connection" of the Mandan Indians who lived on the Missouri River.  

Portrait of Sha-kó-ka, a Mandan girl,
by George Catlin, 1832

The Madoc/Mandan story was of great interest to Thomas Jefferson when he sent Lewis and Clark to explore the West.  A thorough, but lengthy, summary of this investigation was recounted by George Washington Kingsbury in his 1915 History of Dakota Territory, Volume 1.

Did Madoc's Welshmen construct fortifications on an island in the Missouri River?  This is jut one of the issues that Kingsbury examines.

The traditional Story of the Mandan people forces itself upon the mind in contemplating the description of these works [go to the end of this post for the Lewis and Clark journal entry from September 1804 where they describe the fortifications on Bon Homme Island of the Missouri River] and those at Fort Thompson, constructed apparently for the protection and defense of a partially civilized people against an enemy that was at any time liable to assail them. 

These Mandans had passed up the Missouri Valley long before, how long is left to conjecture, but they had Constructed and occupied a fortification above Fort Pierre, and had abandoned that, and Lewis found them hundreds of miles farther north. There is a mystery connected with them, which the present generation of Mandans nor that which existed when Captain Lewis met them, were able or willing to unravel. Many of them did not resemble other Indians except partially, while in many striking physical characteristics they are essentially non-Indian. Some had blue eyes, various shades of hair; the absence of high cheek bones, the almost fair complexion of many of them, the knowledge they still possessed of some of the primitive arts, including agriculture, all go to prove that they are a race of people developing into a higher civilization, or in the process of retroceding from a civilized and enlightened race to the barbaric state. 

It would seem that the latter theory would conform best with the little that is known of this remarkable people. They are the special aversion of the Dahkotah Indians who have never omitted an opportunity to wreak their enmity upon them, and in explanation of the fortifications at Bonhomme it would appear to have been built for the purpose of protecting and defending a numerous body of civilized or Semi-civilized people against a relentless and powerful enemy. The site had been selected intelligently for the purpose of a permanent abode, and no doubt was occupied and used as the home of a people who practiced agriculture, trapped, hunted, fished, always wary of their red skinned enemy who Sometimes may have come in force to assail them, when lodged behind the battlements of their fort they could as successfully resist as the other could assault, and if the dire emergency ever arose when their fortifications were taken, their citadel across the narrow channel afforded a secure place of retreat and an almost absolute defensive structure against any arms their enemy was conversant with. 

The Mandans courted peace by isolating themselves from all other human beings. They were unlike any other Indian tribe and avoided any fellowship with their race. They had no desire to affiliate with other Indian tribes or other whites. They desired to be let alone, and pass unobserved except as their necessities required them to barter with the traders.

Now that we have indulged in some speculation concerning this strange band of nomadic people we ask the reader’s attention to a brief review of the career of this remarkable tribe, and would direct attention to the result, after many centuries of trial, of the intermarriage of whites and Indians. The Mandans would seem to furnish a living illustration of the benefits accruing to the Indian nature by this intermarriage or miscegenation, with the better class of white people, and if the narrative is a true one it furnishes the most interesting evidences that truth is stranger than fiction. The Mandan Indians have been recognized as one of the oldest tribes in North America and their existence and career have been traced back for Several centuries, when even before the Columbian era, they were a numerous and peaceful tribe inhabiting a portion of the South Atlantic coast. 

It is known that connected with them were a number of white men of superior intelligence and of strong religious inclinations. These were supposed to be Welshmen, who, under a leader known as Prince Madoc, visited this continent from Wales in the twelfth century. This party made one successful voyage and a second was undertaken, but no authentic information of the fate of the party was ever obtained, unless this tradition, which has the Support of one, or perhaps two, early missionaries, should prove to be well founded. 

The tradition informs us that these white voyagers and explorers were shipwrecked near the coast peopled by the Mandans, probably Georgia as now known, and the survivors found shelter and subsistence from the Indians, with whom they continued to dwell, and realizing the hopelessness of rescue, finally, and with devout sincerity, concluded to unite their destinies with these strange barbarous people. and with them spend the remainder of their days, taking Indian wives, and adopting Indian customs so far as necessary, and teaching the better customs, methods and religion of the whites to the Indians. 

This may have been 700 years ago, and somewhat in confirmation of this is the story that a Welsh ship, on a voyage of discovery was lost on the southern Atlantic coast near the close of the twelfth century. In any event these whites or their descendants were seen and conversed with later by missionaries and explorers, and through the medium of their language it was ascertained that these whites were of Welsh extraction. As time passed the Mandans, with all other aboriginal peoples, were crowded back from the coast by the aggressive and increasing forces of civilization, and as the Mandans would abandon a country where one or two generations had been born and lived and died, it would be discovered that they were not like the other Indian nations; that they possessed a knowledge of many arts not common to the children of the forest; that they had erected substantial log buildings for residences, and their cultivated fields were far in advance of any agricultural knowledge possessed and practiced by Indians generally, and occasional instances of the construction of substantial fortifications were encountered. 

The story goes that there was always a sort of reticence or backwardness on the part of the members of this tribe, when asked a question that concerned their history, as though they knew a tradition of a singular character concerning themselves, but which they did not fully believe and felt that those who pressed them to relate it would brand it as an invention pure and simple.

It is conjectured by some of the missionary writers that they fully realized a radical difference between their nation and other Indian nations, and even after the lapse of centuries their speech disclosed a foreign ingredient that they explained had been imparted by intercourse with a strange people in the remote past. The physiological characteristics of many of them denoted a blended organism. In its migrations west the tribe finally reached the Valley of the Missouri. They seem to have made a settlement at certain points where they have remained a half or a full century, perhaps longer, then would follow a removal and the founding of a new village or fort hundreds of miles away. 

We believe it was the Mandans who built and occupied the Bon Homme fortifications which excited so much interest in the mind of Captain Lewis, and that he would have found the colony there had his exploration occurred a century or two earlier. They had passed on long anterior to his time, had built and abandoned another century old home, near Fort Thompson, and were beyond the reach of civilization by a half century at least when he formed their acquaintance. 

In numbers they had become reduced to a fragment of a tribe, still possessing, however, traits of character, customs and an un-Indian appearance that placed them in a class by themselves. They are a survival of the fittest, perhaps, of what can be produced by the union of the Anglo Saxon and native American under fairly favorable circumstances, and seem to demonstrate that no advantage has come to either race as a result of their long centuries of experiment.

Map of Bon Homme Island

George Catlin, a famous painter and authority on Indian traditions gathered by himself during years of patient labor among them. from 1850 up, while visiting with the Mandans, came to believe that they had descended from a company of Welsh explorers who landed on the shores of North America about two hundred years before the arrival of Columbus. 

Of the ten ships which left Northern Wales some time about 1290, in charge of Prince Modoc. no tidings were ever heard, but Catlin was of opinion that they planted a colony in the region of Ohio, coming inland from the southern shore or coast; and after his sojourn with them in their fortified village on the Upper Missouri he had no difficulty in tracing them back, and down the river, and up the Ohio to the immense fortifications of that country.  

Thus finding constant tracks of those ruins, he became convinced that the Indians, with whom he had passed so much time, were descended from those ancient builders.  In some instances those forts had walls twenty and thirty feet high, with carefully covered passages leading to the water.  Again the similarity can be traced in the Mandan canoe, which was an exact counterpart of the “coracle of the Welsh,” made of buffalo hides stretched over a frame of willows, and fashioned as round as a tub. Catlin found the Mandans living in a massive Stockade, with convenient portholes, on two sides of which their city was fortified by standing back upon the edge of precipices that struck down a rock ledge to the river's brink. 

Their lodges were circular in form, and from forty to sixty feet in diameter. The Mandans were good farmers and believed in diversity of crops; raising corn, squashes and pumpkins. Their cellars for storing their dried vegetables and corn in winter were dug six or seven feet deep, smaller at the top in a sort of jug like shape, and no matter how severe the winter nothing ever froze. Their homes were clean, comfortable and commodious. (Here is where the Welsh intermixture is revealed.) 

Many of the women were almost white, with gray, hazel or blue eyes; hair of every shade but auburn, which they delighted to spread out, its long folds reaching to their knees. Many of the Ohio specimens of pottery dug from those archaic fortifications were like the utensils used by the Mandans, who spent much time in moulding pitchers, vases, pots and cups; baking the clay in kilns built in the hill sides; and from those ingenious artisans the fur hunters used to get a beautiful and durable blue glass bead, of their own manufacture, but the process was never revealed by them to the whites.

There is a legend among them that their ancestors once lived under a great body of water that is far to the northeast; but that some of the people came out from their homes beneath the seas, and their glowing accounts led others to leave, also, for the outside country, although some were unable to climb out. From the time of leaving their homes under the deep waters, they wandered over the prairies, suffering much, but always delivered by their Good Angel, through some miraculous interposition, and in time they were led by messengers who went south, “to the fertile land of the buffalo and elk, and people who lived in houses and tilled the ground.” But still they journeyed, and at length found themselves in the great valleys along the Missouri River; and there they dwelt and learned many arts. This legend certainly bears indications that give plausibility to the Welsh Colony theory.

Bryant, who was not friendly to the claim that a Welsh Colony had discovered America prior to Columbus, and had become miscegenated with the Mandans, makes mention of the tradition in his “Popular History of the United States," discussing the subject substantially as follows:
The tradition that America was discovered about the year 1170 by a Welsh prince named Madog or Madoc, is still more circumstantial (referring to a prior claim of the Arabs), and attempts to support it have been made from time to time for the last 200 years. Humboldt, in alluding to it, says:

I do not share the scorn with which national traditions are too often treated, and am of the opinion that with more research, the discovery of facts entirely unknown would throw much light on. many historical problems.

This tradition relating to Madoc and his voyage had no doubt some actual basis of truth. The evidence adduced from time to time in support of it has been believed by many, and is curious and entertaining; the tradition itself has found a place in historical narrative for 300 years; for each and all these reasons, it demands brief consideration. It is evident that much of the narrative following was inspired by a desire to prove that the Welsh were entitled to great credit as the pioneers in the discovery of the American continent—their achievements antedating those of Columbus by two and possibly three centuries. These early writers do not concern themselves with the Mandan story, although confirming it in important particulars.

The story was first related in Caradoc's “History of Wales," published by Dr. David Powell. in 1854. Caradoc’s history, however, came down only to 1157, and Humphrey Llwyd (Lloyd). who translated it, added the later story of Madoc.  The story is briefly this: “When Owen Gwynedd, Prince of North Wales, was gathered to his fathers, a strife arose among his sons as to who should reign in his stead. Madoc, one of the sons, took no part in this struggle, but got together a fleet and went to sea in search of adventure. He sailed westward and at length came to an unknown country where the natives differed from any people he had ever seen before, and all things were strange and new. 

Seeing that the land was pleasant and fertile, he put on shore and left behind most of those in his ships, and returned to Wales. On his return he set forth the attractive qualities of the new land he had discovered with such good effect that enough of his countrymen to fill ten ships determined to go with him.”

The number of these emigrants is not given, and it should be remembered that ships in that day were small affairs compared with modern vessels. Columbus 300 years later, in his first voyage, had three ships and but 120 men. Madoc probably took with him a number of families, intending to found a colony. There is no account of their ever returning to Wales, but it is said “they followed the manners of the land they came to, and used the language they found there.”

Passing to the evidence since gathered, that a tribe of Indians, some of whom were of light complexion, and spoke a language differing from the Indian language in part, and resembling the Welsh tongue, who were found within the limits of the American‘ Colonies in the seventeenth century, it is found that among the earliest testimony is a letter to Dr. Thomas Lloyd, of Pennsylvania, and by him transmitted to his brother, Mr. C. H. S. Lloyd, in Wales. The letter was written by Rev. Morgan Jones, a Welsh missionary, and was dated at New York, March 10th, 1685. The letter states that Mr. Jones was sent as chaplain of an expedition from Virginia to Port Royal, S. C., in 1660, where he remained some months; but suffering greatly for food, he and five others started to return to Virginia. On the way they were taken prisoners by a band of Indians and condemned to die. On hearing the sentence, Mr. Jones exclaimed, in the Welsh tongue: “Have I escaped so many dangers, and must I now be knocked on the head like a hog.’ I Immediately he was seized around the waist by a war captain of the Doegs, and assured in the same language that he should not die. He was taken before the Tuscaroras chief with his companions and ransomed. Their deliverers took them to their own village where they were hospitably entertained. 

For four months Mr. Jones remained among them, conversing with and preaching to them in the Welsh language. The conclusion is that these Indians were descendants of the Welsh colonists under Madoc. Rev. Charles Beatty, a missionary traveling in the Southwest in 1776, met with people who had seen and conversed with these Welsh Indians. A Mr. Benjamin Slutton informed him that he had visited an Indian town west of the Mississippi, where people were not so tawny as other natives and whose language was the Welsh; these people also had a book which they cherished with great care, which Mr. Slutton stated was a Welsh Bible, probably in manuscript. A Mr. Levi Hicks, who had been among the Indians from a youth, told Mr. Beatty that he had visited such a town west of the Great River, where the language spoken was Welsh, and Mr. Beatty’s interpreter, Joseph, had been with the natives of the same tribe, whom he was sure spoke the Welsh language, as he understood it partially himself.

In 1785 appeared a narrative that Capt. Isaac Stewart had been taken prisoner by the Indians with a Welshman named David, and they were carried several hundred miles up the Red River where they came to “a nation of Indians remarkably white, and whose hair was mostly of a reddish color." The Welshman found that these people could converse in Welsh. Their story or tradition was that their forefathers came from across the seas and landed on a coast east of the Mississippi, supposed to be Florida. These Indians possessed some rolls of parchment covered with writing in blue ink, which they kept wrapped up in skins with great care.

In a book entitled “An Inquiry Concerning the First Discovery of America by the Europeans,” by Williams, it is stated that a Welshman, living on the banks of the Ohio River, in a letter dated October 1, 1778, declared that he had been several times among Indians who spoke the old British (Welsh) language, and that a Virginia gentleman with whom he was acquainted, had visited a tribe of Welsh Indians living on the Missouri River,  400 miles above its junction with the Mississippi.

(The attention of the reader is called to the fact that the Mandan Indians were in the Missouri Valley at the time mentioned; and further, it should be borne in mind that these Welsh writers make no mention of this name as the tribe which spoke their language; the purpose of the Welsh historians being not to prove what nation these Indians belonged to, but to Show that a colony of Welshmen had preceded Columbus to America, and were first discoverers of the new land.)

Further evidence, and the most modern, comes from the famous painter of Indians and Indian scenes, George Catlin, who in the first half of the last century, spent years visiting various tribes. He Studied the Mandans particularly and believed them to be a cross between the Indians and the Welsh, and is inclined to accept the theory that the Mandans are descendants of the Mound Builders, and that the builders of those works were people originating in Madoc’s Colony. Catlin Speaks of the boat used by the Mandans in being like the coracle of the Welsh, and in complexion, in the color of their hair and eyes, they Seem to be allied with the whites. Albert Gallatin, secretary of war under Jefferson, states that a chief of the Mandan tribe whom he met at Washington, was of a lighter shade of complexion than other red men, and that he was the only fullblooded Indian he had ever met with blue eyes.

Among the Zuni of New Mexico there are Indians of fair complexion, blue eyes and light hair. Among the New Mexicans is a tradition that long ago some Welsh miners wandered into that country with their wives and children, and that the Zuni killed the men and married the women.
Historians properly make a broad distinction between a tradition and an invention. The latter has no basis of truth whatever, while traditions as a rule have a substantial basis of truth, though often embellished by fancy or distorted and amplified in their repetition from generation to generation.

The theory that has gained some credence in more modern times, that this was not the decaying ruins of an old fort, but due to the natural causes produced by the river in periods of high water, is much more difficult to explain and believe, than the testimony of Captains Lewis and Clark, who were qualified by education and experience to form a sound judgment in a matter of this character. The natural action of the river would not build stone walls six feet high, with stone transported overland for some distance; nor does it lay the foundations for large fortifications with the skill and precision that was required in laying out this abandoned fortress. 

It is much more irrational, and difficult, to believe that this ruined fort was the result of natural causes, and so skillfully built as to deceive not only Lewis and Clark, experienced and educated military men, but the crew composed of men of ripe experience in the army, who accompanied them, than it is to accept the well—grounded opinion of the explorers who came upon the ruins before they had been disturbed by the white pioneers of a half century later, whose opinion, formed after painstaking examination and measurements, pronounced them the ruins of an abandoned extensive fortress that had been constructed by a people who possessed considerable knowledge of the architecture of defensive works and who had built the fortress with the view of protection against powerful foes.

The testimony of the earliest settlers of Bon Homme, while lacking any evidence that they had made a careful examination of the ruins, but had frequently visited and inspected them, was in a general way corroborative of the theory or conclusions of Lewis and Clark.

[From the journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition:]

Saturday, September 1, 1804.—We proceeded this morning and passed the Calumet Bluffs; these are composed of a yellowish-red and brownish clay as hard as chalk, which it much resembles, and are 170 or 180 feet high. At this place the hills on each side come to the verge of the river, those on the south being higher than those on the north. Opposite the bluffs is a large island (Ambrose Island) covered with timber, above which the highlands form a cliff over the river on the north side called White Bear Cliff, an animal of that kind being killed in one of the holes in it, which are numerous and apparently deep. At six miles we came to a large sand island covered with cottonwood. We made fifteen miles to a place on the north side at the lower point of a large island called Bon Homme or Goodman's Island.

The country on both sides has the same character of prairies, with no timber, with occasional lowlands covered with cottonwood, elm and oak. Our hunters had killed an elk and a beaver; the catfish, too, are in great abundance. The following day we went three miles to the lower part of an ancient fortification on the south side. and passed the head of Bon Homme Island, which is large and well timbered. After this the wind became so violent that we were compelled to land at four miles on the northern side, under a high bluff of yellow clay about one hundred and ten feet in height. 

Our hunters supplied us with four elks, and we had grapes and plums on the banks; we also saw the beargrass and rue on the sides of the bluffs. ' At this place there are highlands on both sides of the river, which become more level at some distance back, and contain but few streams of water. On the southern bank, during this day, the grounds have not been so elevated. Captain Clark crossed the river to examine the remains of the fortification we had first passed. This interesting object is on the south side of the Missouri opposite the upper extremity of Bon Homme Island, and in a low, level plain, the hills being three miles From the river. 

It begins by a wall composed of earth, rising immediately from the bank of the river, and running in a direct course S. 76: W. ninety-six yards; the base of this wall or mound is seventy-five feet and its height about eight. It then diverges in a course S. 84: W. and continues at the same height and depth to the distance of fifty-three yards, the angle being formed by a sloping descent; at the junction of these two is the appearance of a hornwork of the same height with the first angle; the same wall then pursues a course at 69: W. for 300 yards; near its western extremity is an opening or gateway at right angles to the wall and projecting inwards; this gateway is defended by two nearly semi-circular walls placed before it, lower than the large walls, and from the gateway there seems to have been a covered way communicating with the interval between these two walls; westward of the gate the wall becomes much larger, being about one hundred and five feet at its base and twelve feet high; at the end of this high ground the wall extends for fifty-six yards on a course at 32: W.; it then turns to N. 32: W. for seventy-three yards; these two walls seem to have had a double or covered way; they are from 10 to 15 feet 8 inches in height, and from 75 to 150 feet in width at the base. the descent inwards being step, while outwards it forms a sort of glacis. At the distance of seventy-three yards the wall ends abruptly at a large hollow place much lower than the general level of the plain, and from which is some indication of a covered way to the water.

The space between them is occupied by several mounds scattered promiscuously through the gorge, in the center of which is a deep, round hole. From the extremity of the last. wall, in a course N. 32: W. is a distance of ninety-six yards over the low ground, where the wall recommences and crosses the plain over in a course N. 81: W. for 1,830 yards to the bank of the Missouri. In this course its height is about eight feet, till it enters, at the distance of 533 yards, a deep circular pond of seventy-three yards diameter; after which it gradually lowers towards the river; it touches the river at a muddy bar, that bears every mark of being an encroachment of the water, for a considerable distance, and a little above the junction is a small circular redoubt. '

Along the bank of the river and at 1,100 yards distance, in a straight line from this wall, is a second, about six feet high and of considerable width; it rises abruptly from the banks of the Missouri. at a point where the river bends, and goes straight forward, forming an acute angle with the last wall until, it enters the river not far from the mounds just described. towards which it is obviously tending. At the bend the Missouri is 500 yards wide; the ground at the opposite side highlands. or low hills on the bank; and where the river passes between this front and Bon Homme Island, all the distance from the bend, it is constantly washing the banks into the streams, a large sand bank being already taken from the shore near the wall. During the whole course of this wall or glacis. it is covered with trees, among which are many large cotton trees that are two to three feet in diameter. Immediately opposite the citadel, or the part most strongly fortified on Ron Homme Island, is a small work in a circular form, with a wall surrounding it about six feet in height. The young willows along the water joined to the general appearance of the two shores induce a belief that the bank of the island is encroaching, and the Missouri indemnifies itself by washing away the base of the fortification.

The citadel contains about twenty acres, but the parts between the long walls must embrace nearly five hundred acres. These are the first remains of the kind which we have had an opportunity of examining; but our French interpreter assures us that there are great numbers of them on the Platte, the Kansas, the Jacques, etc.. and some of our party say that they observed two of these fortresses on the Petite Are (Little Bow) Creek not far from its mouth; that the wall was about six feet high and the sides of the angles 100 yards in length.

This fortification, Lewis concluded, was the ruins of an ancient fort that had been constructed by a fairly intelligent people, who possessed considerable knowledge of the science of military architecture. Durion, the interpreter, who had spent his life with the Indians, was unable to enlighten the captain, but told him that a similar work would be found on the James River; but even the Sioux Indian tribe had no tradition that threw any light upon the matter. Directly across the channel on the island shore was found the disintegrating remains of what appeared to have been a citadel as ancient and probably a contemporary with the fort when constructed and undoubtedly designed for use in connection with the fortification in case of necessity. The citadel was or had been a circular structure, and outside and enclosing it was a stone wall six feet high in places

Thursday, June 6, 2019

Aborigines of South Carolina - 2

A book by Robert Mills, published in 1826, offers some unusually detailed insights on the native people of the Palmetto State.  Following is a passage from Statistics of South Carolina: Including a View of Its Natural, Civil, and Military History, General and Particular:

South Carolina, when first settled by the English, was inhabited by numerous tribes of Indians, whose settlements extended from the ocean to the mountains. As far as we are able to judge, from documents extant in the Secretary of State's Office, and other sources which may be relied on, the number of these different nations, or tribes, exceeded twenty-eight. The Westoes and Savannahs were the two most potent tribes.

Previous to the settlement of the country by the whites, a dreadful civil war broke out between these two nations, which thinned their numbers considerably: the Westoes, the more cruel of the two, were eventually forced quite out of the province, and the Savannahs continued good friends and useful neighbours to the whites.

This circumstance proved a remarkable providence to the colony. Had the Indians of this country been of a ferocious and jealous character, their numbers would have enabled them to frustrate all attempts of Europe to colonize the country ; but so widely different was their characters from this, that like children of nature (as they were) they received the whites with kindness, gave them as much land as they wanted, and every assistance in supplying them with provisions.

The first settlement of Carolina was founded on principles of benevolence towards these benighted sons of the forest. The charter granted by the king, to the lords proprietors, contained a clause, by which they were bound "to propagate the Gospel among the Indians, and thereby to civilize them. The proprietors instructed their tenants to cultivate the good will of the aborigines. Though these principles constituted the law of the land, yet no serious measures were taken by the proprietors to carry them into effect; and their tenants followed only their own interests, in their intercourse with the Indians.

The bond of union between them was the mutual interchange of such articles as each needed. To the Indian a knife, a hatchet, or a hoe, was a valuable acquisition. To the white man the skins and game of the forest were equally acceptable. The love of ease, was as natural to the one as the other; and the Indian would rather give to the white settler the profits of a year's hunting, than be without his instruments. Having obtained these, in process of time he found the tomahawk and musket equally useful: these he also coveted, and could not rest till he had obtained them. What was at first only convenient, in the course of time became almost necessary; the original bond, therefore, progressively strengthened and confirmed, as the channels of commerce opened.

The Indian found that he was not only treated with friendship and civility, but that the white people were equally fond of his skins, furs, and lands, as he was of their gaudy trinkets and various implements. It was this connection that induced the native inhabitants of the forest peaceably to admit strangers though differing in complexion, language and manners, to reside among them, and to clear and cultivate their lands.

The wants of the Indians grew, from indolence, in a greater degree than they could be gratified; and the destroying vice of drunkenness crept in among them so rapidly, that what with sickness, smallpox, &c. their numbers were gradually reduced, so that they lost their formidable character.

Carolina has (much to its honour) as little Indian blood to answer for, or of injustice to these simple sons of the forest as any other state in the union; she never was the aggressor in any of the wars that took place; but always acted on the defensive, when the poor Indians, instigated by the Spaniards or French, engaged in wars of extermination to the English settlers.

A right to the soil of the country was grounded upon the acknowledged truth of this doctrine, that the earth was made for man; and was intended by the Creator of all things to be improved for the benefit of mankind. The land which could support one savage, in his mode of living, is capable of supporting five hundred, under proper cultivation. These wild lands, therefore, were not the separate property of the few savages who hunted over them, but belonged to the common stock of mankind. The first who possessed a vacant spot, and actually cultivated it for some time, ought to be considered as the proprietor of that spot, and they who derive their titles from him have a valid right to the same.
This doctrine is agreeable to the judicial determination of the Courts of South Carolina with respect to rights in land, derived solely from uninterrupted possession for term, formerly of five now of ten years.

But some of the first settlers of Carolina, not satisfied to rest their right of soil upon the law of nature, and their government, made private purchases from the Indians; and the government itself entered into treaties with the aborigines.

Sunday, June 2, 2019

Legends of the Falls, V

From The Pickens [SC] Sentinel, August 11, 1921:


The Legend of Cateechee or Isaqueena. (Note: A review of the colonial history of our section and the relations with the Cherokees would hardly be complete without a sketch of our most beautiful and interesting Indian legend. The reader will easily recognize the many local place-names connected with the story.  Stumphouse Mountain and Isaqueena Falls near Walhalla preserve the tradition of the leap of the Indian girl.

The story is most probably only a tradition, but it has been handed down in the Keowee section from the earliest settlers. I refer the readers to Dr. J. W. Daniel's little book, "Cateechee of Keowee," for a more complete account of the legend.)

Issaqueena Falls

The sun was setting behind the western mountains, painting upon the fleecy clouds magnificent pictures in colors far more beautiful than ever graced a monarch's robe or a painter's canvas. Faintly, in countless numbers, the stars were beginning to appear where the gliding clouds uncovered the open sky. Cooncelatee, the mocking-bird, singing his evening song, cast a spell upon the listener by the beauty of his melodies and thrills. With a sad and murmuring ripple, Keowee flowed onward toward the land of the pale-face. From the katy-dids, crickets and frogs came a monotonous yet none the less entrancing chorus. To the west lay the azure wall of the Blue Ridge, though near at hand on every side small mountains rose above the surrounding country. Thus lay the Indian capital, Keowee, on a summer evening of the early eighteenth century.

But the town itself, on that evening, was not characterized by such a charming silence as was the vale of Keowee. All was bustle and excitement. Every lodge was filled with occupants, for all the braves of the nation were assembled there.  Karuga, the cold-hearted, had summoned a council of chiefs to plan a campaign against the whites. In the lodge of Karuga, near the center of the village, the council was assembled. In a circle around the great Karuga sat the grim warriors. There at his right squatted Yohoma, the chief of Oolenoi, from whose belt hung many scalps of vanquished braves. At his left was Attatulla the famed chief of Occony.  Also there sat in grim silence and with magnificent bearing famous braves from Eastatoe, from Toxaway, from Noewee, from Socony and even the chiefs of mountainous Chote and of far-off Enoree.

The council had finished its discussion. Likewise, throughout the town a great suspense prevailed and the warriors were impatient for the signal to be off.
Suddenly, with no outward display of emotion at all, the great chief arose, stretched himself to his full height, and drawing his tomahawk, uttered the awful war-whoop of the Cherokees: "Echa-echa-herro, echa-herro." From all sides Immediately came similar cries. The council dispersed and the braves prepared to be off.

Meanwhile, from behind the lodge of Karuga there glided a slender figure--that of an Indian maiden. Patiently she had awaited the decision of the council. She had heard Fort Cambridge would be attacked at sunrise. At Fort Cambridge was a handsome young trader, who, while upon an expedition into the land of the Cherokees, had befriended her. He must be warned of the plot. And who could do it? This question had already been decided and the girl had in a short time reached her pony in a nearby thicket. Between Keowee and Ft. Cambridge lay ninety-six long miles over a rough trail.
And who was this maiden? She was a Choctaw slave girl taken by Karuga.  Cateechee, they called her, Deer's Head, or in the Choctaw, Isaqueena.

Down the rough trail the pony raced.  The cries of the braves in Keowee lent encouragement to the fleet animal. Ere the moon had risen, Cateechee was beyond the peak of Six Mile, leaving the warriors far behind. On, on she rode until she reached the gurgling waters of Twelve Mile. After a rest in the dark shadows of the willows, she was on her way again. Before midnight she had left the streams known as Eighteen Mile Creek, Three and Twenty and Six and Twenty far behind her.

But the cry of every night-bird seemed to Cateechee the feigned signal of a warrior of Karuga. The trembling aspens seemed alive with painted forms. Behind every low bush lurked a brave of Karuga's following. But these fears only gave encouragement and quickened Cateechee's desire to gain the walls of Fort Cambridge.

Just before sunrise the peaceful atmosphere of the fort was disturbed by the arrival of the Indian girl, who rode direct to the cabin of Allen Francis. "The warriors of Karuga are coming" were the only words she could speak, so exhausted was she after her long ride. Thee gates of the stockade were closed and preparations for a siege hurriedly made. An hour later Karuga's warriors arrived to find their plot frustrated.  After a few random shots they realized the hopelessness of attacking the stronghold and withdrew to make different plans against the whites.

Within the walls of old Fort Cambridge, just ninety-six miles from Keowee town, two loved ones were united in marriage by the old clergyman. And in a cabin near the block a house dwelled the happy pair-Allen Francis and the brave Cateechee.

* * * * * *

It was in the early autumn--Indian summer--the crops were ripe and up the vale of Keeowee wound a long column of braves, rejoicing in their recent success - for Cateechee and her husband had been captured again. When they reached the capital they advanced straight way to the lodge of Karuga.
Into the lodge the captives were led, where the great chiefs sat in council again. What should be the fate of the prisoners.  Proposals for their executions as well as proposals for their liberation were made, but all these rejected.  At the end of their second hour of deliberation, the braves sat solemnly puffing their pipes.

 The great chief of the Oolenois broke the silence. "0 great Karuga!  great chief of the Cherokees!" he spoke, "hear my words. Let the captives be as our own people. Would not a pale-face make a great warrior? Let him go forth with us on our hunts! Let him fight for the Cherokee! Let him take the sacred oath never to return to the land of the pale-face! And the maiden - let her be a dweller of the Cherokee lodges! May she remain with the women of Keowee!"

"Thou hast well spoken!" agreed the other chiefs. "Let it be thus.

"The council of Karuga has spoken," answered the great chief addressing the prisoners. Heed its decision. Go, but first utter the sacred oath that you will never attempt to escape."

"Toeuhah, toeuhah," with sadness the captives repeated.

For many moons Allen Francis and Cateechee had lived in the land of the Cherokee and had adopted their manners and customs. They had almost entire freedom, but they were not happy. Each was ever conscious of a watchful eye always near. From Taksawahui (Toxaway, as the white man speaks) the vale of weeping, to Saluda, rich land of corn, Allen Francis roamed, but he always noticed an Indian near at hand. Even in the valley of Enore, land of muscadines, he had hunted the wild showwe – the deer.  Nights he had passed at Eastatoe, nation of the green birds, and at Kawanurasut (Conneross), where the wild duck drops downward from her nest. Yet he was not happy. He was always watched.

A sudden thunderstorm had arisen, such as are common to that region. All was excitement among the lodges of Keowee. From one of the lodges ran Allen Francis, apparently to aid in preparing for the coming rain, but really bent upon escape. Down the path toward the river he ran, where, with the women, Cateechee had been washing. These, terrified by the thunder, were running toward shelter, for one time regardless of their charge.

At a signal Cateechee stepped from the line of women into the dark forest. Northward they turned, after meeting and holding a short consultation. Until night they traveled on and even far into the night. Keowee must be left behind.

Finally, at daybreak the weary travellers found shelter--a huge tree, hollowed out by decay and twisted off some ten feet above the ground by a previous tempest. Their "Stumphouse." they called it.

Great was the anger among the Indians when they discovered the escape of their prisoners. The medicine men wildly bewailed the break of the sacred oath - Toeuhah. At once parties were dispatched to seek the escaped ones. To the mountains they would naturally hasten it was reasoned. Therefore, Karuga himself led a division northward.

For three days Allen Francis and Isaqueena lived in their "stumphouse." It was on the morning of the fourth day. Allen had gone to the Tugaloo, where he was constructing a canoe for their journey down the river. Cateechee was gathering sticks near the "stump-house" when suddenly she beheld the dark face of Salooe, Karuga's most famous warrior, peering at her through the bushes.

Like a startled deer she stood firm a moment, then turned and fled. From the forest rang the Cherokee war-cry, "Echa-echa-herro, echa-herro!" many times repeated as the warriors took up her pursuit. Nearer and nearer they approached her and the arrows whizzed by thick and fast. To the creek Cateechee turned, toward the great falls some distance below. Still closer drew Karuga's band. Cruel Salooe's fiendish yell lent aid to her flight.

Suddenly at the top of a cataract, Isaqueena paused, then disappeared from sight. The braves of Karuga drew near and sought in vain for the one they pursued.

"A wizard of the Choctaws has hidden her," spoke one warrior.

"No, she is drowned," the others agreed as they looked down on the dark, seething pool ninety feet below, above which Cateechee was last seen. For a time they waited, then, convinced that she was indeed lost, they departed to seek her husband.

At the place of which we are speaking the stream makes a great leap of ninety feet to a deep pool below. But, invisible and known to but few, a narrow ledge juts out some ten feet below the crest of the cataract, affording a scant foothold behind the white veil of water. And to this Isaqueena had jumped without a slip, which would have meant death, and there had hidden until the warriors departed.

When the braves had withdrawn, Isaqueena came out from her hiding place and was soon again with her husband. Together in their rude canoe they floated down the Tugaloo and then down the Savannah to old Hamburg, out of all danger of capture. On a quiet farm the happy lovers lived for many years. And never again did the wild "Echa-herro” ring in their ears nor the dark face of a warrior peer at them secretly.